Printed by S. & J. Bentley, Wilson, and Flei
Bangor House, Shoe Lane.


THE following HISTORY OF THE FOUNDATION OF BAT­TLE ABBEY, now for the first time presented to the public, has been printed from a transcript made by the Record Commission, under the direction of the late Mr. Petrie. For permission to use this transcript, the Society is in­debted to the liberality of Sir James Graham, who kindly permitted them the loan of this and of other papers of a similar nature.
It needs scarcely to be stated, that the present Edi­tor has carefully collated Mr. Petrie's copy with the ori­ginal manuscript preserved in the Cottonian Collection, in the British Museum.1 The Notes, Index, and the Preface, together with the Apendix at the end of the Volume, have also been added by the same hand.

Although Mr. Petrie had evidently intended to prepare this work for the press, in order that it should form part of our National Chronicles, and had carefully read it for that purpose, yet he had made little or no progress in his task, except so far as a few conjectural emendations mark­ed in pencil (where he doubted the fidelity of the trans­cript) may be considered to be of this description. It has not been deemed necessary to retain those queries, nor his occasional suggestions of various readings, for these reasons, among others: first, because it has ever been a rule with the present Editor, to adhere strictly to the MS. wherever the original yielded a tolerable sense ; and, secondly, because it could not be ascertained, whether
1Domitian n. A MS. on vellum of the twelfth century.
Mr. Petrie, on more mature consideration, would have retained such emendations, had he lived to finish his work.' With this brief statement we may now proceed to make some observations on the Chronicle before us.
It commences with the Battle of Hastings, and extends to the year 1176—an era of the utmost importance in the annals of English Monasticism. The great struggle between the two powers of the Church (the prelacy and the religious orders) dates itself from this period, and the dawning of that emancipation from Episcopal interference, which was fully consummated by the latter under Inno­cent III.
In the weakness of that political system, which exer­cised a very inefficient control over the turbulent spirits of the age, it was the policy of William I. and his suc­cessors to raise up some antagonistic power sufficient to restrain the great Barons, whether secular or ecclesiasti­cal, who trampled under foot all social institutions, and seemed to look upon this kingdom as their own possession by the right of conquest. Respecting no laws, they made no scruple of plundering the Church, and set its protec­tors at defiance, imitating those acts of oppression of which their Sovereigns were guilty on a greater scale.
To these causes may be assigned the development of an ecclesiastical order till then unknown ; and the existence of a class of bishops endowed with power and authority, living in splendour and riches, never before witnessed by our Saxon forefathers, as never required in their times. Such power and authority was necessary to check the fierce despotism of this age, which had otherwise soon converted this country into its primitive barbarism.
With this power and influence of the Bishops grew the power and wealth of the Religious Foundations ; for,
 1Two instances may be men­tioned : at p. 8, ten lines from the bottom, Mr. Petrie had proposed to read sævo for scorn, contrary to the sense of the passage, as much as against the rules of criticism; again, at p. 99, line 13, the trans­criber had written proculat, to which Mr. Petrie had added, as a note, proculio, longe dimoveo.'

with few exceptions, the prosperity of the hierarchy and of the monastic orders was a common cause, and at this time neither of them had reason to be jealous of the other.
The reign of Stephen and the troubles consequent upon its disturbances, raised the nobility, both ecclesiastical and secular, to a degree of importance never enjoyed by them before. But in the lawlessness which then prevailed, Monasticism seemed to make no pro­gress; it was enough, says the Author of this work, if a man could preserve only a small portion of his own, without attempting to recover what had been unjustly taken from him. And yet this assertion must not be ad­mitted without some qualification. In the great strug­gles of this reign, and in the rapid interchange of power from one Prince to another, new notions were gaining ground, which led to great and unforeseen results. Men had learned to see that some other authority existed than that with which they had been familiar—one that till then had been overlaid by the tyranny and domination of the Norman Kings. Externally unfavourable to Monasticism, the fierce convulsions of this reign tended to advance in a great measure an invisible and Divine power, and taught men to recognise another dominion, one that was based upon an invisible and spiritual, but not the less real foundation.
It is not intended by these remarks, to assert that this conviction was altogether new to England ; there is sufficient evidence of its acknowledgment in the earlier Councils of the nation. But thus much may be affirmed with certainty, that it was a novel thing in its new shape, in this distinct, separate, and independent existence. It was never before brought so vividly before the eyes of men—it was never so dogmatically asserted—it was not considered so much a distinct and independent element —it did not address itself so prominently to men's senses, nor was the necessity of it so strongly felt. In the more patriarchal government of the Anglo-Saxons —more mild as it was more religious in its character— the power of the Prince was a reflection of the power of the Lord ; it was in a manner derived from him, as his was from the father of the family. Each great landowner formed a centre round which his tenants and his vassals gathered ; each one had little or no connexion with other Lords, no systematic form, no clear line of demarcation defining the just limits of ecclesiastical and lay jurisdiction, for no such necessity existed. But it was far otherwise when the Norman power was established in this country: it disturbed all previous relationships— crushed all usages, and remodelled them upon a stern and unbending system—systematized the whole forms of go­vernment, swallowed up all independencies, and made all dependent upon the King's person as the source of power. Then all individual independency was gone, and with it the ancient independency of family circles and lordships. Then, for the first time, the doctrine was sensi­bly taught, that all authority emanated from one prime and visible head. Were this the place for such details, it might easily be shewn that these remarks apply with equal justice to the ecclesiastical as well as to the civil power. And how thoroughly the Norman Kings had learned to persuade themselves of the truth of it, how well they had conned their lesson, might be further shewn by reference to the acts of their reigns, and from the History now be­fore the reader. Let him turn, for an exemplification of it, to the remarkable conference held before Henry II., when these new opinions, to which the troubles of Ste­phen's reign had given life and vigour, came to be se­riously argued.
It was not to be expected that the principles thus promulgated by the Norman Sovereigns, and upheld by them with so much tyranny and oppression, should not, sooner or later, be turned against themselves, even had their reigns been less marked than they were with violence and bloodshed. But, indeed, the very nature of their policy, and its results, rendered such a consequence inevitable. No intelligent reader of the history of the Middle Ages can fail of perceiving that the policy of the Holy See, whether intentional or not, tended to the restriction of regal power, and the emancipation of the middle orders of the community. The mediatorial position of the Sovereign Pontiff, as the arbiter of peace and order, pointed inevitably to such a result ; and what he was as universal bishop to troubled Europe, such was each particular bishop in his own sphere and diocese.
The Norman Bishops were the maintainers of peace and order. For the security of his kingdom, the Conqueror found it necessary to invest them with an authority suffi­cient to countervail the most powerful of his Barons. A power thus created was not to be destroyed at the will of its author, especially when the necessity for it had not alto­gether ceased ; and the events of the subsequent reigns tended naturally to strengthen it. With such a King as William II., and such an Archbishop as Anselm, men could not but wish the kingly power repressed, and the powers of the Church enlarged. Earnest-minded men could feel no misgiving in the exaltation of that power, whose officers the prophet had declared should be peace­makers, and her exactors righteousness ; indeed the only exactors of right and the only guardians of peace in those generations. It was in vain, therefore, in this King to scorn and jest at it, when in his heart he secretly feared it ; it was in vain, too, that Stephen, hampered by the troubles of his reign, at one time courted, and then again tried to repress it. In the time of Henry II., notwith­standing the activity and policy of that Prince, it was far more advanced at the conclusion, than it had suffered diminution at the commencement of his reign. It might indeed be considered as fairly and fully established.
At the same time, while the ecclesiastical jurisdiction was thus emancipating itself from secular tyranny and asserting its own independency, whilst it was exerting its influence in checking despotism and preserving and foster­ing the elements of civilisation, there was growing up within itself a new element of power, destined to check and control the prelacy—I mean the increasing impor­tance of the Monastic Order. The ascendancy of the one order would naturally tend to the advancement of the other. For in the growing worldly pomp and splendour of the Church, it was natural to expect that communities of men living in evangelical poverty, and professing a life of austerity and self-denial, should meet with encou­ragement and a great share of popularity. As the higher clergy occupied the more exalted stations in society, and were identified with the court, it would naturally follow, that the monastic bodies, taken from the lower orders of the people, should be identified with a popular party, and lead the way in those struggles for independence which were afterwards taken up by the Commons.
Thus, then, were the Monastic Orders appointed to be the instructors of the great masses of society, and to lead them on the road of improvement and independence. Thus were they destined in earlier times to occupy that position as an ecclesiastical body, which was afterwards held by the third estate (as it is called), the cradle of social life and liberty. With some reason, therefore, does a mo­dern writer of great intelligence behold in the advance­ment of these orders a type and example of the struggles of the Commons. At all events, at the period of which I am now speaking, it is not to be questioned but that the Monks represented the popular ecclesiastical party in England, and what the great mass of the people were to the Norman Barons, the same were the Monks to the more dignified ecclesiastics.
For this popularity of the Monastic Orders we have the direct testimony of a Norman historian.1 We have even a

1Ordericus Vitalis, ad ail. 1112 : "Angli monachos, quia per cos ad Deum conversi sunt, indesinenter diligentes honoraverunt, ipsique clerici reverenter et benigne sibi mo­nachos præferri gavisi sunt." And, again, ad an. 1070 : "Augustinus et Laurentius, aliique primi prædi­catores Anglorum, monachi foe- runt, et in episcopiis suis vice canonicorum, quod vix in aliis terris invenitur, monachos pie constitue­runt."—See also Altesserra As­cetic. p. 59 (ed. Glück), for other testimonies to the same effect.
better testimony from the records of the Monks themselves. A slight inspection of the names of the different brethren will be sufficient to prove that they were, with scarcely an exception, of Anglo-Saxon origin. We may add to this the practice common in earlier times, at least, of choosing the new monks from among the tenants of the religious houses, who were also exclusively Anglo-Saxons. We may also add the fact of their being no better fed, or clad, or educated than the sons of the farms from which they were taken. Chosen, then, from the popular classes, and associated with them to a great degree in popular feel­ings and prejudices, they were the natural guardians and protectors of the labouring classes. Their proceedings in the assertion of their own independence was a popular cause. Besides, while the Bishops were employed about the Court, the Monks resided in the middle of their estates ; while the Prelates were employed in matters of state, the Monks had the education of the people. The demand made by monasteries for various excellence and skill promoted various kinds of learning, and fostered genius in all its branches. It tended to the gradual amelioration of the lower orders, it prevented a relapse to barbarism and infidelity,—to the state of torpor amount­ing to brutality, which had formerly prevailed in Eng­land, — a torpor which must have returned again, but for the continual spur to exertion, the continual reward for genius and talent, supplied by the religious houses.
We are not to be surprised, then, that, in their struggles for independence, and in the second step consequent upon it, wealth and power to carry out their intentions and principles, these houses were greatly favoured, not only by the people at large, but even by the Norman Barons. Po­litic principles would induce many to do this; they would consider that the struggles of the Monks against the Bishops was their own cause, that they were fighting the same battle in which the laity themselves were engaged. The cause of the monks, though in reality, at first, the cause of the people, would appear to the Norman nobles in a far different light; and thus these nobles helped forward the aggrandisement of the monkish orders, in many in­stances, from policy—in some cases, undoubtedly, from the conviction, the better conviction, that such establish­ments were beneficial to the people, the great schools and nurseries of the land.
No view of history, therefore, can be more shallow, or more indicative of narrow bigotry, than that which would represent the growth of the Monastic system, its wealth and its influence, as the result of superstition, and the fruits of a miserable fraud. When, indeed, has it ever hap­pened that unworthy motives produced any vital or lasting effects ? Were men's minds so differently constituted at that time, that they would willingly forego those advantages which men now-a-days grasp so firmly ? Is an enduring influence gained by selfishness or deceit. Such vices may have tended to the destruction of the orders, but they bore no part in their foundation, strength, and increase. These were the works and the establishments of men who had great objects at heart, and who saw in such institutions the great means for the general amelioration of their fellow-men.
The Monks were the great teachers and instructors of antiquity ; not so much, perhaps, spiritually (although in this respect they were no mean or inefficient instruments), as in secular arts and learning. As laymen of a better order, and living under discipline (for such they were to very late times), they had not only a greater influence on the laity, but in times of lawlessness and oppression they were a living lesson of the blessings of obedience, and of the value of discipline. They were a living lesson among laymen of the reality of spiritual things. In their posi­tion, also, and union, they were enabled to enforce good rule,1 in the weakness of the feudal system left too often to individual efforts ; to become the sturdy maintainers of right against the lawlessness of the times and the op­pression of the feudal barons. They were a shelter to the poorer classes, the instructors of their children, the physicians of their sick and aged ; and wherever the religious orders were established, there fertility and good order prevailed. Here, then, is another reason why the Norman nobles were forward in founding cells and aug­menting monasteries : a religious act in itself, it was re­warded as such in this life ; for it returned tenfold in the improvement of their estates, in the education of their vassals, in the repression of disorder, in the superior skill in handicraft every where introduced by the Monks.
To the Church now, or, more correctly speaking, to the Clergy, has mainly been committed the education of the people ; but what the Clergy could not do then, and no other ranks of men cared to do, was done by the Monastic Orders. A school-room formed an integral portion of every monastic establishment—a scriptorium, and a body of men to transcribe and multiply books ; for to their labours has the press succeeded : and, what is as much to be admired, to their care 2 in preserving and recording

1Thus, the Abbot of St. Albans, " perceiving the road to London, which was by the Watling Street, to be much infested by thieves and robbers, demised the manor of Al­denham to the Abbot of West­minster for a term of twenty years, he engaging to defend the road and protect all travellers." (New­eome's St. Albans, p. 43.)

I cannot here refuse myself the pleasure of transcribing a pas. sage from Neweome's " History of St. Albans," in illustration of the foregoing remark. In the character of this people, it should not be for­gotten that we are vastly indebted to the Normans for the stimulus they gave to learning in this coun­try. In this respect the monas- teries under their rule form a very striking contrast with that of their Saxon predecessors.
" Among other things" (says Newsome), "one Robert, a very stout soldier, who lived at Hat­field, and being one of the Nor­man leaders, had received that vill and manor in the distribution, gave two tenths of the tithes of his demense, assigning it for the purpose of purchasing and provid- ing books for the monks; for this Robert was a man of letters, and a diligent hearer and lover of the Scriptures. The tithes of Redburn were assigned to the same pur­pose ; and the best writers and co­pyists were sought for far and near for transcribing books, and their diet so provided for them, that they might never be taken off or hindered in their employment. The Abbot, in return for these fa­vours, gave Robert, for the use of his chapel in his court or palace at Hatfield, two suits of pontific vest­ments (which, in those days, con­sisted of many garments, and those highly enriched with gold and sil­ver), one silver cup, a mass-book, and other necessaries. Having thus furnished Robert's chapel, a par­ticular room in the Abbey was set apart for these copyists, called the Scriptorium ; and, by their means, twenty-eight volumes of the choicest books were procured, Lanfranc furnishing the originals. Besides these, they prepared eight psalters, a collection of the collects, another of the Epistles," &c. (Hist. of St. Albans, p. 48.)
As a proof of the great indus­try of the monks in this respect, Haeften quotes an instance of the Abbot of Turin (in Taurinis), as early as the year 531, carrying off into a place of security as many as 6700 MS. volumes, a to time when an invasion from the Saracens was expected. (Disquisit. Monast. p. 850, ed. 1644.)
the events of their days are we indebted for what is most valuable in the records of antiquity, as well as for a diffusion of the knowledge of the Scriptures—for the preservation of that which is most precious in the records of antiquity.
But we must draw these remarks to a close ; and we do so with a hope that men will learn to look upon these questions with feelings less influenced by prejudice ; that a more even-handed justice will be dealt out to a body of men whom it has long been a fashion to abuse, and to re­present as the great foster-fathers of idleness and luxury. Three centuries have passed away, and yet they have left their trace and influence even on this age—how different from their own! Even in these days of utilitarianism and expediency, men are constrained to go on pilgrimage to the relies of their departed greatness ; to worship beauty, to gaze with awe, to submit to emotions which nothing else would evoke ; to admire deeds of self-denial, of personal sacrifice, of humility, of faith so opposite to this age, enshrined in perishing and crumbling stone. Men are constrained to confess, even in this bustling, talking, conceited age, in this noisy laudation, this ido­latry of work and action, that there are other and quieter virtues, which are noiseless, pure, peaceable, and of good report.


" KING WILLIAM the Conqueror, A. D. 1067 (and not A. D. 1086, as it is in the folio edition of Stow's Annals'), built an Abbey in the same place where he fought and overcame Harold and his army. His design in building this Abbey was, that perpetual praise might be given to God for the said victory, and that prayers might be offered for the souls of such as were slain here. It was dedicated to St. Martin, and was endowed at the Dissolution with lands valued at 8801. 14s. 7d. per ann. Dugd. —987l. Os. 114d. Speed.
" In this battle, it is said, above ten thousand men lost their lives on the conquering side; but what the number of the vanquished was may be guessed at with astonishment. King William designed to have endowed this Monastery with lands sufficient for one hundred and forty monks, but was prevented by death. However, he granted many privileges to it, as exemption from epis­copal jurisdiction, treasure-trove, and free warren in all their lands ; all which privileges, with the Abbey itself, coming into the King's hands at the Dissolution, he soon after bestowed the site of the church,' with several of the lands, upon one Gilmer, who, for lucre of the land, timber, &c., in a little time pulled it down and sold the

1Which was dedicated to the Holy Trinity, the Virgin Mary, and St. Martin the Confessor.
materials ; which sacrilegious act thrived not, it being soon after sold to Sir Anthony Browne;—a circumstance I take notice of here, on purpose to rectify a mistake in Fuller's ' Church History,' who says it was originally granted to him by King Henry VIII. The posterity of this Gilmer do yet live in this place in a mean capacity.
" Though this Abbey be demolished, yet the magni­ficence of it appears by the ruins of the cloisters, &c., and by the largeness of the hall, kitchen, and gate-house, of which the last is entirely preserved. It is a noble pile, and in it are the sessions and other meetings for this peculiar jurisdiction, which hath still great privileges belonging to it. What the hall was when in its glory, may be guessed by its dimensions. It is in length above fifty of my paces. Part of it is now used as an hay- barn ; it was leaded—part of the lead now remains, and the rest is tiled. As to the kitchen, it was so large as to contain five fire-places, and it was arched at top. But the extent of the whole Abbey may be better measured by the compass of it, being computed at no less than a mile about.
" In this church the Conqueror offered up his sword and royal robe which he wore on the day of his coro­nation. The monks kept these till the Suppression, and used to show them as great curiosities, and worthy the sight of their best friends and all persons of distinction, that happened to come thither. Nor were they less care­ful about preserving a table of the Norman gentry which came into England with the Conqueror. This table also continued till the Dissolution, and was seen by our ad­mirable antiquary, Mr. Leland, who hath given us the contents of it in the first tome of his Collectanea.'
" Not far from the Abbey stands the parochial church, which is one of the best in all this country. In this church there formerly hung up an old table, containing certain verses, the remains of which I shall here sub­join :—

This place of war Battell call'd, because in battle here
Quite conquered and orethrown the English nation were
This slaughter happen'd to them upon St Ceelict's day,
The year whereof … this number doth array.

" One of the descendants of the above-mentioned Sir Anthony Browne endeavoured to raise a good seat out of the Abbey materials, but being never finished,1 it now lies in ruins with the Abbey itself."—" History of Mitred Abbies," by Browne Willis, in Leland's Collectanea.

1It was finished, and subsequently destroyed for the sake of the lead.

A. D. 1066.

The Author's object in compiling this History, 1.
William the Conqueror succeeds to the Dukedom of Normandy—and after many troubles brings it into a state of tranquillity, 2—is made heir to Edward the Confessor— prepares an army against Harold, who had usurped the kingdom of England 1—lands at Pevensey—stumbles when disembarking; William Fitz-Osbert's interpretation of the omen, 3.—Fortifies a wooden castle at Hastings—burns his ships—prepares for battle —puts on his mail shirt the wrong way; Fitz-Osbert's remark thereon ; the Duke comforts his followers by committing himself to God's keeping, and vows to build a monastery to the honour of God and the saints 2 , 4.—William Faber, (so called from his mechanical genius,) a monk of Marmoutier, persuades him to dedicate it to St. Martin 3 —the battle of Hastings ; the great slaughter committed there, 5.—The Author's re­flections upon it ; a mark is set up where Harold's standard fell, 5.—The Duke marches on to London 4--is recognized as King at Christmas and crowned, 6.5

A.D. 1067-1076.

William I. engaged in subduing the natives—his cha­racter—temperate, brave, strict, devout, tractable ; — en­trusts the building of Battle to William Faber and four monks of Marmoutier, 7. — They begin to erect some buildings to the west of the proposed site—the King refuses to let them change it—his answer to their complaint of its

1 See also p. 22.      2 See p. 22.      3 See p. 23.
4 See also p. 22.      5 See also p. 23.
wanting water ; swears that there shall be more wine there than water elsewhere, 8.—Sends for Caen stone—stone meanwhile is found at the spot—the foundation laid—the great altar is erected on the spot where Harold's standard fell— the building proceeds slowly, owing to the pecula­tion of the contractors.1
Robert Blanchard appointed the first Abbot, 9.—Is drowned on his return from Marmoutier—William Faber sends for another monk from the same place, named Gaus­bert, who lands in England with four others.

A. D. 1076-1087.

Gausbert, 2nd (generally styled 1st) Abbot of Battle, 9. —The King endows the abbey with land extending a mile and a half round, free from all exaction and episcopal superintendence 2—particular description and admeasurements of the abbey land, 10.—The Author's land mea­sure, 11. — List of tenants and tenements belonging to the abbey, 12.—Their rent and services—privileges of the inhabitants of the vill, 17. — Description of lands lying beyond the vill, and below the leuga — ancient guilds, 20.
Legal privileges of the abbey, 24.—The number of monks increase, 25.—The King insists that the Abbot shall not do homage to Marmoutier, 25.—Stigand, Bishop of Chi­chester, refuses him benediction, except in the cathedral church of Chichester, but at the King's threat complies— the Bishop continues to urge his jurisdiction, 26.—Sum­mons the Abbot to his synod at Chichester—the cause is tried in the King's court—the Abbot is exempted by royal authority—spiritual rights of the abbey—tithes paid to the abbey by the neighbourhood, 27.—A chaplain appointed by them performs service in the church of St. Martin's— the monks of Marmoutier endeavour to usurp authority, but the King forbids it—grant of the manor of Wi, 28.

1 See p. 23.        2 See also p. 24.

—civil privileges connected therewith, 29.— Grant of two pennies out of three in the county—and the maritime customs of Dengemareis —Right of wreck, 30.—Grant of the manor of Alsistone, in Sussex—of Liminesfield, in Surrey—of Hou, in Essex, 31—of Bristoldestone, in Berkshire—of Craumareis, in Oxfordshire—of Culuntun, in Devonshire—of the chapel of St. Olave's, Exeter—fur­ther account of this chapel, 31.—Repetition of the pri­vileges granted to the abbey by the King, 33.—Grant of a meadow in Bodeham from Osbern Fitz-Hugh, 34.— Of St. John's Brecknock, from Bernard Novo Mercato — Of Berington, in Herefordshire, from Agnes his wife, 35. —Of one hide of land at Shoreham, in Sussex, with other gifts, from William de Braiosa ; another in Herincge­ham, 36—and in Langlentune.—Death of William the Con­queror, 37.—The Writer's reflections on this event.
A. D. 1087-1095.
William II. crowned at London by Archbishop Lan­franc—gives his father's pall and feretory to the abbey of Battle, 40.--Bestows upon them the manor of Bromham, in Wiltshire—dedication of their church—the King, with Archbishop Anselm, and various other bishops, attend it.
A. D. 1095.
The King bestows on the abbey certain churches in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Essex, 41— viz. Exelings, Tri­lawe, Middehale, Norton, Brantham with the chapelries of Bercholt, Selfelege, Benetlege, Scotlege, the church of Mendlesham cum Andreeston, Branford with Burstale and Æilbrichteston, Eilesham with two parts of the tithes of the chapelries of Stiffkey and Schppden, Brundele and Banningham with a moiety of Ingeworth, 42.—Death of Abbot Gausbert.
The monks apply to the King to have a new Abbot ap­pointed out of their own number, 43.—He appoints Henry, Prior of Christ Church, Canterbury, at the suggestion of Archbishop Anselm.
A. D. 1096 —1100.
Henry elected Abbot of Battle, June 11 ; 44.-Shows too great partiality to the monks of Canterbury—Ralph, Bishop of Chichester, refuses him benediction, except in the cathedral church—a dissension arises, owing to the Abbot's remissness.—The King grants ten marks out of their pro­perty to a monk of Flagi—the Abbot sells the silver fringe of the feretory to pay him, 45.—The Divine judgment upon this act.
A. D. 1100-1102.
William II. dies in the New Forest, 46--is buried at Winchester—Henry I. crowned at Westminster.
A. D. 1102-1107.
Abbot Henry dies, 47.-The King sends one of his chaplains, named Vivian, to superintend the abbey - transfers the government of it to Gausfridus, a monk of St. Carileph-who improves the abbey estates, farms, and pensions-visits the manor of Wi, which had been bestowed on a servant of the late Abbot, who had allowed it to run to waste-cites the tenant to appear in his court at Battle, 48. — His prudence in managing the case— obtains from the opposing party a recognition of his juris­diction, 49—and the tenant is fined.
A wreck in Dengemareis claimed by the abbey—a dis­pute arising, judgment is given in their favour— the goods distributed among the servants.
William, Abbot of Marmoutier, attends the King's coronation at Winchester—takes this occasion to urge his claim to the right of jurisdiction over Battle—Gausfridus gets notice of it-provides against it-upon the Abbot alleging the King's verbal promise in his favour, the council declare that the promise is invalid without a written testimony— the King, to allay his disappointment, grants him the manor of Torvertune, in Devonshire, and the church of Chosham, in Wiltshire, 51.—Death of Gausfridus.
A. D. 1107-1125.
Henry I. calls a general council—fills up the vacant ecclesiastical appointments -nominates Ralph, Prior of Rochester, a monk of Caen, to the abbey of Battle, 52.- His election-his virtues-the church flourishes under his management—purchases three wistæ of land from In­gelran, a retainer of Withelardus de Bailol, for fifty-seven shillings-Ingelran bestows on the abbey a tithe of all his profits in Boccholte, 53.—Gives them a piece of land —they purchase the manor of Glesham from Gerold de Normanville for twenty marks silver-receive as a free gift from one Weningus the church of Westefelde, with one wista of land and the judicium aguæ belonging thereto—. also William Fitz-Wibert gives them a tithe of all the money arising from his land in Bocstepe, and at his death land to the amount of ten shillings on the same estate.— At this time they purchase Dudilande and Bregeselle from Anselm de Fraelvilla for eleven marks silver, 54.—The same Anselm bestows on them a certain parcel of land for salt-pits, an acre of meadow, and the tithes of Glesi.
William de St. Leodegarius grants them his land in Prunhelle, beyond Winchelsea, on the payment of twenty- three shillings at the feast of St. John the Baptist, and another moiety on St. Andrew's Day-Osbern Fitz-Isilia gives them two salt-pits, and land for a third at Rye— and Emma, the wife of Osbern, land to the value of six shillings, in the manor of Bodeham, and a mill in Nor­mandy near Crivil, 55.
Henry I. gives to the abbey the manor of Fundintune, in exchange for the abbey lands in Reading—founds a religious house there—the monks change Fundintune for Apeldreham, near Chichester-the King further bestows on them the churches of St. Peter's, Carmarthen, and St.Theodore's, 56.—Increases his gift by a parcel of land named Pentewi.
The Abbot of Battle treats with Ralph, Bishop of Chi­chester, to obtain exemption from all episcopal dues for the chapel of St. Mary's beyond the walls—the Bishop consents-permits the Abbot to appoint the incumbent— excuses him from attending the Bishop's synods, 57.
These exemptions confirmed in writing-in testimony of which, the monks give to the church of Chichester a copy of the letters of St. Jeroin, and the better to secure the rights of the house, the Bishop solemnly and publicly recites them during service time, at the winter feast held at St. Martin's.
The Abbot makes a new feretory of gold, silver, and precious stones, to supply the one which had been spoiled by his predecessor, 58.—Has it blessed by the Bishop.
At this time, a contest arising between the monks and the neighbouring land-owners respecting their boundaries, the King orders the land to be accurately measured and surveyed.—The commendation of Abbot Ralph—his ac­tivity-his piety-the works which he did—his tenderness towards his brethren-his zeal for their souls-his gentle­ness in correction -his winning example—like Martha, and yet like Mary—a serpent and a dove—a Noah in the waters.—His last sickness and death, 60.
Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, Chief Justice—appoints John Belet to take care of the abbey during the vacancy.
A. D. 1125 —1135.
The King publishes an edict commanding all vacant Churches and religious houses to send over their deputies to meet him in Normandy-nominates Warner, a monk of Canterbury, to be Abbot of Battle, 6I.—The new Abbot receives benediction from the Archbishop of Can­terbury----provides against the great famine of this year.
To gratify Bernard, Bishop of St. David's, the King gives the Abbey Langenherste in exchange for St. Peter's, Carmarthen, 62.
The new Abbot is summoned by his diocesan to appear at his synod at Chichester—refuses the summons—but goes of his own free-will—protects his rights and satisfies the Bishop— employed in repairing and decorating the church—in collecting and purchasing furniture for the altar and the service, 63.
Has a quarrel with the Bishop of Chichester, which ori­ginates with the retainers of both parties— the Abbot re­fuses the Bishop hospitality — a great dissension arises between them, which is quieted for this time, 64.
A. D. 1135-1139.
Henry I. dies, and his body is brought into England— Stephen succeeds—is crowned at Canterbury by the Arch­bishop—Abbot Warner incurs the King's anger and re­signs, 65.
A. D. 1139-1148.
Stephen appoints Walter, brother of the great Richard de Luci, a monk of Lonley-his prudence and activity - a wreck happens at Dengemareis — claimed by the Abbot's men, contrary to the statutes of Henry I., 66.— The Abbot summoned to Court for the wrong—defends himself on the ground that the King's statutes were not binding without the consent of the Barons-is compelled, however, to satisfy the Archbishop and his men, 67.
History of his dispute with Hilary, Bishop of Chi­chester.
A. D. 1148-1154.
Hilary made Bishop of Chichester, 68.—Asserts his rights as diocesan against the Abbot—the Abbot stands on his privileges, 69.—The Bishop threatens to put him under an interdict, 70—executes his threat—the Abbot complains to the King, who desires the Bishop to forbear from oppressing the church of St. Martin's, as belonging to the Crown-appoints him to appear, and have his cause tried in the great meeting of his Parliament at London—the Bishop fails to appear at the time appointed —the Abbot, having obtained from the King a confirma­tion of his privileges, returns home, 71.
A. D. 1154.
Stephen dies, and is buried at Feversham-the Bishop of Chichester takes the opportunity of summoning the Abbot to attend his synod-on his refusing, excommunicates him-word is brought of it to the Abbot, then in London, waiting with his brother the arrival of Henry II.
—he informs the Archbishop of the sentence, who directs the Bishop to relax the interdict for the present—Henry II. is crowned, 72.
A. D. 1155.
The King assembles a Parliament at London, and re­news the ancient laws of England—confirms several charters—among others those of Battle.—Hearing this the Bishop of Chichester suggests to the Archbishop the necessity of opposing these and similar privileges; —by his influence with the King the Archbishop gets the grant to Battle annulled, 73.-The Abbot goes to the King at Westminster-after prayers persuades the King to con­firm the charter—as he is about to do so, he is inter­rupted by the Bishop of Chichester—the King confirms the charter, and then hears arguments on both sides— after this, on occasion of the rebellion of Hugh Earl of Mortimer, the Abbot finds means of serving the King. 75.-When peace was made between the King and the Earl, 76 — the Abbot visits the King, who returns his charter to the Abbot.—In August, the same year, he crosses over to Normandy, and is well received by the King, 77. —Jealous of his influence, the Bishop of Chichester does the same.
A. D. 1156, 1157.
In Lent the Abbot is summoned by a papal brief to attend the chapter at Chichester—professes his readiness to obey, saving the rights of his church and his order— attends the chapter-his speech on entering—the Dean answers and recites the papal letter, 78, commanding his obedience to the see of Chichester—the Dean's argument, urging the same, 79.—Offers the Abbot a schedule to sign to that import, 80.-The Abbot wards it oil; 81.—Asks time for consideration, 82.—The Dean refuses, 83.—The day is wasted in discussion—neither party consenting to the other—the Dean concludes, at last, with a resolution to advise with the Bishop.
A. D. 1157-1171.
On his return, the Abbot informs his brother Richard de Luci of all that had passed at the conference ; at his suggestion the King commands the Bishop to desist from molesting the Abbot for the present, 84.-On his return to England the Abbot meets the King at his brother's castle, at Ongar, in Essex—the King appoints the Whit­suntide following to hear his cause—the case is argued before him, 85.-The Court—Richard de Luci opens the case—reads the foundation charter, 86.—After some re­marks by various persons, the Court rises, 87.
The sitting resumed at the octaves of Whitsuntide— Richard de Luci again opens the case, 88.—After some remarks by the Abbot the Bishop of Chichester urges his claim in a remarkable speech, setting forth the distinc­tion of the secular and spiritual jurisdiction, 90 — this brings on an angry discussion, 91—and frequent interrup­tions from the King, 92 — and others, 93, 94, 96.—The Bishop concludes with desiring that the question may be determined according to the established maxims of the canon law, 96.
The King refuses to admit his appeal, determining to abide by the decision of the great council of the realm, and the Abbot puts in his charters, 97.—After some discussion the Abbot retires to consult with his friends, and on their return into court, Thomas a Becket, the Chancellor, de­livers the result of their deliberations, 98.—He answers the Bishop's objections, proceeds to comment on the papal letters demanding the Abbot's submission, 101.— Whereupon the King fires up, and asks, in great anger, whether the Bishop had procured these letters of his own authority, 102—which the Bishop denies—in the end, the Bishop finding that the King was highly incensed, resigns his claim, 103.-The parties are reconciled, and the con­ference terminates, 104.
The solicitude of Abbot Walter in securing the rights of his church, 105.-Prosecutes his claim to three wistas of land in Bernehorne, 106.—Obtains a decision in his favour against Gilbert de Bailol, 107—who had sold the land to one Siward of Hastings.—Upon the matter coming to no satisfactory termination, the King summons both parties before him at Clarendon—the arguments on both sides, 108.—Gilbert de Bailol denies the authenticity of the in­struments produced by the Abbot, because they had no seal —his objection is overruled by Richard de Luci—sen­tence in the Abbot's favour, 109—possession given him.
Dispute with Robert de Iclesham respecting a part of the same land, 110—who is fined for a false accusation— a claim made on the abbey for assarts by the King's forester, Alanus de Nova-villa, is resisted, 111.—Charac­ter of this forester—a great extortioner—an anecdote re­specting his death, and the King's remark thereon, 112.
The Abbot vindicates the claim of the abbey to the church of Middehale, which had been usurped by Robert de Crevecoeur, the lord of the manor, and bestowed on the Canons of Leeds, 113. --Both parties appeal to Rome — the Pope refers the cause to the Bishops of London and Salisbury, 114.—After various delays, the parties are sum­moned to appear at, Staines—the Abbot appears by his proctor-the opposing party failing to appear, sentence is given in favour of the abbey, 115.-The church is con­ferred on a clerk named Robert Philosophus, to be held on the payment of an annual pension.
The Abbot proceeds to substantiate his right to a pen­sion from the parsonage of Trilawe, withheld by Roger, the incumbent.—After Roger's death, one Haymo Peccatum claims the right of patronage, and bestows it on a clerk named William de Orbec, 116.—The Abbot failing to obtain his rights from the civil and spiritual courts, appeals to Rome-obtains a letter from the Pope to the Bishop of London, demanding instant restitution, si super clerici in ecclesiam intrusione constaret, 117.—The parties being summoned to appear at St. Paul's, sentence is given for the Abbot, who bestows the patronage on Robert Phi­losophus.
At Robert's death William de Orbec is again intruded into the living by Haymo Peccatum—the Abbot brings an action against him, 118.—The parties are summoned to appear at London, but upon the latter alleging his in­ability to appear, by reason of his sickness, a new trial is appointed at Northampton;—the Abbot appears by one of his monks named Osmund—Haymo by his son Geoffry­Haymo foregoes his claim, and William de Orbec resigns the church into the hands of the Bishop of Norwich, 119.
The Abbot now turns his attention to improving the pensions from the churches in Norfolk and the counties adjoining-which pensions, amounting to ten shillings per annum from each church, were called by the ambiguous term decimæ, 120.-Owing to their distance from Battle, and other causes, these pensions were seldom paid; and, as the expense of collecting them exceeded their value, the convent presented these churches to Richard de Bellafago, Archdeacon of Norwich, on condition of his being respon­sible for the due payment of all the annual pensions.—On Richard's promotion to the see of Norwich, his son Alan usurps one of these churches, named Brantham, 121— and during the reign of Stephen enjoys the benefice.— Abbot Walter, designing to visit these churches, sends his messenger, among others, to Alan de Bellafago at Brantham, demanding entertainment of him, 122.—Alan refuses it, and shortly after, on a second progress made by the Abbot, persuades Withgar, the incumbent of another of these churches (who had agreed to pay a pension of forty shil­lings, on condition that his son Nicholas should succeed him in the benefice), to withold the pension due to the convent, 123—affirming that himself, and not the Abbot, had the right of presentation.
The Abbot cites both parties to appear before him at St. Edmund's, 124—and, when neither would yield to his persuasions, addresses himself to the King, who was then in Normandy.
In the meantime, upon Withgar's death, Alan de Bella­fago had obtained possession of the other church of Men­dlesham, dispossessing Withgar's son.—The Abbot's mes­sengers return with a precept from the King to the Jus­tices, whereby Alan and the Abbot are required to appear at Winchester, 125.-At the hearing of the cause, Alan produces certain charters granted in his favour by Abbot Warner—whereupon, to prevent further litigation, the Abbot consents to a composition, 126—resigns Brantham to his opponent upon the annual payment of a crown (aureus) in lieu of the ten shillings usually paid, and the surrender of Mendlesham into the hands of the convent.
After the terms of the composition, Alan endeavours to lay claim to Branford, but upon a threat of having the whole matter tried again before the Judges, he solicits the Abbot's favor by Richard, Archdeacon of Poitiers, 127—consents to resign all claim for ever over any of these churches, if the Abbot would promise to present his brother Roger de Bellafago to the church of Brantham, upon payment of the same pension as was paid by himself.—The Abbot consents.—Alan professes his agreement to the terms in the Court of Exchequer, and a day is fixed upon which his brother Roger is to make his appearance at Battle, and return the charter of confirmation to the convent, but is prevented by death, 128. - Upon this, Alan de Bellafago breaks the terms of the composition, usurps the church of Brantham, and owing to the intervention of friends and the death of Abbot Walter shortly after, enjoys it several years.
The Writer's remarks upon Abbot Walter's zeal and prudence in recovering these churches-thinks that the difficulty of the task was increased by the circumstance that the lords of the manors laid claim to the right of patronage over those churches which were situated in their estates —would have preferred it, had the Abbot appointed vicars (according to the modern system), in­stead of taking pensions, which he might easily have done, owing to his influence with the King, 130.—The sum total of these pensions was twenty-two marks silver.
The Abbot appoints a moiety of the tithes at Wi for the sacristy at Battle, and a certain portion of white wine, spice-cakes, and simenels, &c., for his anniversary ;-so­lemnly anathematizes any that should infringe this order, 131.
Two milites give to the convent two portions of land near Bodeherste—purchase a parcel of land and a right of way for their estate near Bodeham, 132.-St. Martin's deprived of the honour intended it by Heaven, owing to the irreverence of the people of Battle, 133.—This honour is transferred to St. Nicholas, Exeter, 134.
Character of Abbot Walter—careful in his pastoral charge, in attending the sick and the leprous, 135.— Looks after the estates belonging to the convent—prac­tises hospitality—visits the manors in distant parts—en­riches the church—provides new vestments —builds the cloister—is taken ill at his manor of Wi-account of his last sickness, 137. - Visited by the convent — by his brother—carried to Battle-laid in the chapter on sack­cloth and ashes, 138.—His benefactions.
A. D. 1171.
Richard de Luci appointed guardian during the va­cancy, 139.—Nominates for his deputies Hugo de Beche and Peter de Criel, two neighbouring land-owners (mi­lites)—who hold their office four years—and careful and diligent in the execution of it.
Richard de Luci begs the church of Wi for his son God­frey de Luci—the monks grant him a moiety of it, 140.— Godfrey begs the other moiety from the King-the King consents, and writes a letter to the Archbishop of Can­terbury, to give Godfrey institution, 141.—This causes a great contention between him and the convent.
Many churches and monasteries are vacant at this time —occasioned by the contest of the King with Thomas a Becket.—The history of their controversy.
Richard elected Archbishop of Canterbury, 144.— Henry fills up the ecclesiastical appointments which had been neglected during the long struggle between himself and the Archbishop of Canterbury;-on this occasion the monks of Battle (among others) are commanded to send deputies to Woodstock, to treat of the election of a new Abbot—the King's clerks bring them a mandate for that purpose—shortly after, another message is sent command­ing them to bring their charters to the court, 147.— Struck with astonishment, and much dispirited at the order, they nominate in the meanwhile two of their mem­bers, one of whom the King is to make choice of for Abbot. —Arrival of the deputation at Woodstock-summoned to present themselves first-introduced into the presence of Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of London—the Bishop demands their credentials—asks on whom their election had fallen —objects to it—assures them the King will never consent to it—urges them by threats and flattery to make a new nomination-they refuse, 148—neither party will yield. —Alter a great part of the day had been spent in bick­ering, the King bursts into the room with a frowning and angry countenance—enquires the cause of all this delay. —The monks find that opposition is of no avail, and make a new choice.—They fix upon Odo, Prior of Canterbury, then just come to the court on business connected with his con­vent—the King and the Archbishop commend their choice, 149 - and send for Odo-the Prior is introduced with great honour—is seated between the King and the Arch­bishop—wonders at the reason of it—the deputies from Battle make a speech announcing their choice, 150.—Odo refuses the honour intended him, 151-and remains firm in his denial, notwithstanding the persuasions of others, 152.—When the King and the Archbishop urge him to comply, requests time for deliberation, but this is refused him ;—appeals to Rome—the King strives to gain his com­pliance by promises, 153.—The day is nearly spent in this sort of struggle—when Odo, remembering the example of Theophilus, 154 — and the advice given by Maurilius, Bishop of Rouen, to St. Anselm, consents at last to re­sign himself to their wishes, 155.—Te Deum sung—the Author's doubts as to the motives from which this ap­pointment proceeded, 156.
Contrary to his custom, the King does not exact an oath of fealty from the new Abbot, but allows him to retire without it—goes to Canterbury—the deputies return to Battle, 157. —After some days, fearing that the Arch­bishop should induce the new Abbot to make submission to his former convent, and so involve them in the subjection, the convent at Battle send their deputies demanding his exemption from obedience to Canterbury—he refuses the exemption — the Archbishop grants it, and gives him benediction.
Odo takes his way to Battle, 159.—Is introduced into the chapter-ceremonies of this introduction—addresses the monks on the occasion-enters on his office, 160.—In the meantime the Dean of Chichester and others arrive— demurs to receiving his benediction from the Bishop, 161. —Applies to the King and the Archbishop on the subject —the King is persuaded to permit the Archbishop to give him benediction in his own presence-receives it in a manor belonging to the Archbishop, named Mallingam, near Lewes-returns home, 162.—Grows more strict in his life and conversation—expounds the Scriptures, and preaches in Latin, French, and English, 163.—Is invited to Canterbury by Benedict, the Prior, his successor there —has sufficient influence to gain the King's consent for Roger to be made Abbot of St. Augustine's—uses his in­terest with the King to get a renewal of one of the found­ation charters of his abbey, which had perished by age, 164.—The King refers him to his Court—they consent to the renewal—the King grants it in an unusual form, as an original charter, 165.—The Abbot procures several copies to be signed with the King's seal.
At this time the church of St. Mary's, Battle, being vacant, which had been appropriated by the Prior and convent after the death of the late Abbot, Aluredus de S. Martino, applies for the vicarage to be bestowed on his chaplain, 166.—The convent represent to him the difficulty of granting his request—on his declining to press his suit, the Abbot bestows it on one of his kinsmen, named John, Vicar of Heriatesham, 167.-He refuses to reside, 168.— It is then offered to one Walter of Berkshire.
A. D. 1176.
The Abbot is summoned by Cardinal Hugutio to attend a general council, 170—specially to answer the complaint of Godfrey Luci, in the matter of the church of Wi-is greatly disappointed at the summons—applies, without avail, to various friends to undertake the cause-all refuse, alleging various reasons—chiefly from fear of disobliging the King or the Archbishop of Canterbury.—The Abbot is persuaded at last to apply to a foreign counsel in the train of the legate, who undertakes it for the fee of a mark—at midnight preceding the day of trial the advocate sends to decline the cause, and the Abbot is left to his own resources, 173.—Is greatly dejected ; proceeds to the court— the opposing party defended by Ivo of Cornwall — his speech on opening the case, 174.—The Abbot is thunder­struck at his arguments, 175— is at a loss how to proceed. —In the midst of his perplexity, Walerannus, Archdeacon of Bayeux, plucks Gerard Pucelle by the sleeve, and per­suades him to go to the assistance of the Abbot, 176.— They retire to consult—on their return Gerard Pucelle undertakes the defence—his speech, insisting much upon the independency of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction, 176, 177.—The Judges advise a compromise, 178.—The terms of the composition.
Albans, St., 65, 70.
Alsistona, 30; in Sussex, ib.
Andreeston (Suffolk), 41.
Anestia (Wilts.) 111.
Apeldreham (Sussex), 55.
Aungre Castrum (Ongar), 84.
Banningeham (Norfolk), 42.
Bearrocsira, 31, 168.
Beawerdregge, 178.
Bece, 10.
Beche, 18.
Bekewelle, 178.
Bellum, 3, 7, 9, &c.
Bercholt, 41.
Benetlege, 41.
Berintona (Beryngton, Herefordshire),35.
Bernehorne, 53, 105, 107.
Boccham, 10.
Bocestepe, 53.
Bochalte, 109.
Bodeham, 11, 12, 34, 54.
Bodeherste, 11, 12, 18, 131.
Bodeherstegate, 10, 19.
Brandford, 41.
Brantham, 41, 42, 123.
Brecchennio, Castrum de, 34.
Bregeselle, 54.
Bregge, Castrum de, 75.
Brembra (Bramber, in Sussex), 35.
Bretherste, 20.
Bristwoldingtuna, 31; (Berks), ib.,111.
Bromham, in Wilts, 40, 111.
Brundele (Norfolk), 42.
Buleworehethe, 19.
Bulintune, 11, 19.
Burgum (Peterborough), 163.
Burstale, 42.
Carmerdin, 61.
Catecumbe, 19.
Cattesfelde, 11, 19.
Celvetege, 19.
Chærmerdi (Carmarthen), 55.
Chapenore, 19.
Chosham, 51.
Cicestria, 55, 56.
Claverham, 21.
Colebroche, 32.
Colecestria, 85, 104, 122.
Clarendona, 107.
Craumareis, 31; in Oxfordshire, ib.
Crevil, in Normandy, 55.
Croherste, 10, 11.
Culuntuna, 31; (Devonshire), ib., 32.
Dengemareis, 29, 49, 54, 65, 66.
Devenesira (Devonshire), 51.
Dudilande, 53.
Duniford, 18.
Dunintune, 18.
Edmundus, S. (St. Edmondsbury), 84, 124.
Eilesham, 42, 130.
Esse, 32.
Exelinges (Suffolk), 41.
Fævresham, 71,
Flagi, in Normandy, 44.
Fundintune, 55.
Glesham, 53.
Glesi, 54.
Hanwisse, 19.
Hastinges, 3, 101.
Hechelande, a hill near Hastings, 3,11, 18, 19.
Heregrave, 36.
Heriatesham, 167.
Herincgeham, 36.
Herste, 7, 19.
Hinelande, 32.
Holeford, 178.
Holintune, 11.
Horsmede, 30.
Hon, 11i in Essex, 31, 84.
Inguwerthe, 42.
Itintune, 11.
John's, St., in Brecchenio (Breck­nock), 34.
Lametha (Lambeth), 74.
Langenhersse, 62.
Langlentuna, 36; in Heregrave, 36.
Ledes, 113.
Lewes, 101.
Limnesfelde, 30; (Surrey), ib.
Liuns, 64.
London, 5.
Loxebeche, 19, 20.
Lunlegium, 65.
Majus Monasterium (Marmoutier), 4, 7, 50.
Malfosse, near Hastings, 5.
Mariscus de S. Martino, 53.
Mary's, St., Battle, 19, 165.
Mendlesham, 41, 122,
Middehala (Suffolk), 41, 113, 115, 130.
Mienes, 62.
Nicholas, St., Exeter, 33, 134,
Nirefeld (Nedrefeld), 10.
Nortuna, 41.
Northamptona, 119.
Olave's, St., Exeter, 31.
Paul's, St., London, 117.
Peneherste, 11.
Pentewi, near Carmarthen, 56.
Petlee, 18, 19.
Petrus, St., in Wallia, 55.
Pevenesel, Castrum (Pevensey), 2.
Philesham, 11.
Pipering, 19.
Plesseiz, 20.
Prunhelle, 54.
Puchehole, 11, 18.
Quarrere, 20, 21.
Radingæ (Reading), 31, 55, 64.
Ilia (Rye), 54.
Richelherste, 18.
Rumenel, 65.
Salmurum, 76.
Sanford, in Essex, 41.
Sansei, 55.
Santlache 19, 20.
Scotlege, 41.
Scipdene, 42.
Selfelege, 41.
Setlescumb, 12.
Sorham, in Sussex, 35.
Stanes, 114.
Stene, La, 18.
Stevechaia, 42.
Strellewelle, 20.
Sudsexia, 30.
Surreia, 30.
Telleham, 18, 19.
Torvertuna, in Devonshire, 51.
Trilawe (Suffolk), 41, 115, 117.
Uccheham, 17, 19, 20.
Uppeton, 32.
Vetus Villa, in Wales,
Wævre, 32.
Walia, 84.
Wasingate, 10.
Watlingetuna, 12, 19.
Wedestoche, 145, 147.
Westbece, 11.
Westefelde, 53.
Westmonasterium, 64, 73, 76, 169.
Wicham, 12.
Wiltesira, 51.
Wiltinges, 11.
Wi, manor of, 28, 29, 47, 65, 130.
Wilminte, 10.
Winceleseie, 54.
Wintonia, 50.
Withiburne, 30.
Wurmincgeherste, 36.
AMBRA,35 ; a measure of salt, equiva­lent to four bushels.—Ellis'" Dooms­day," i. 133.
Acra, an acre, = 40 X 4 or 20 x 8 perches, 11; ad mensuram Norman. 34. On the use of the word equiva­lent to ager, see Hearne's "Lang­toft," p. 519.
Aureus, 127.
Berwica, " manerium uel potius membrum manerii a corpore dissieum." MS. Reg. de Bello. Blodwite, fine for blood-shedding, 24. Boscus, a wood, 18.
Bovarius, 13.
Brasium, 12, 15, 16, malt ; brasseur, Angl. brewer.
Caligæ ferrety, 132.
Cervisia, 21.
Companagium,16, n., provision of any kind excepting bread; " quicquid cibi cum pane sumitur." — Spel­mann. Sometimes used for fish or an equivalent; "ad nonam 4 panes et 8 harings (herrings), vel aliud companagium quod tantum valet." —Custum. de Hecham, quoted by Spelmann.
Connarius, 15.
Conredium, 18, al. corrodium, corre­dium, diet or maintenance; some­times for a term of life, sometimes for a particular occasion, or a single meal.
Corduanarius, 13.
Curia, 12, 16, 18, 20, 24, 27, a court; like the word court, used ambiguously. Ie signifies the pre­cincts or buildings of a monastery, sometimes the monastery itself, and sometimes jurisdiction. More rare­ly it is employed to designate a family or household.
Denarius tertius, 29, the third penny of all profits arising from markets
and forfeitures paid to the Earl of each county ; sometimes extended to all the ordinary duties paid to the Crown, the third penny of all customary payments.—See Heywood's "Ranks of the Anglo- Saxons," p. 100.
Denarius olei et synodi, 56.
Denegeld, 24, a tax of 12d. levied from every hide, originally to pro­vide help against the Danes ; it was discontinued (at least under this title) in Stephen's reign.
Dominium, 17,—in dominio tenere,— demesne lands; the expression is used in various ways, but here it seems to imply either that the land paid no service or rent (liberum tenementum, according to Spelmann, Gloss. p. 182), or that it was not leased out, but cultivated by the Abbey servants for the use of the house.
Episcopalia, 68.
Exarta, or essarta, lands cleared of wood and brought into cultivation, 111. Spelmann quotes a charter granted by Henry I. to the Abbots of Romsey, whereby the King ex­empts them from all claim for essarts and forester's visits.—Gloss. p. 202.
Ferra et clavi (horse-shoes and nails), 18.
Forisfacturæ, forfeiture, 41. Chris­tianitatis, 26.
Forstal, 24, obstruction of the high­way; hence the obstruction of pro­visions by forestalling the markets; preemption.
Fundus, 34.
Galon, 131, a gallon, = 8 pounds, or 8 x 12 ounces.
Geldum, 24, 28, a fine or tax. Guastellum, 131, or Wastellum, wastell bread.
Hamsocne, 24, house-breaking.
Hida, 10, = 8 virgates.
Hidagium, 24, a tax of six shillings collected by the Conqueror from every hide of land.
Hundreda, 24, a hundred.
Infangenetheof, 24, power of trying a thief taken within the limits of the Lord's manor or barony.
Judicium aquæ, 53.
Læstagium, 24, market dues.
Leuga, 9, 10 n., 26, 181, r.--12 quaren­teines ; 11. Sometimes called a league ; the land surrounding a monastery; by Ingulph stated to be equivalent to an English mile, by others to a mile and a half.—See Spelmann, in voe., and Ellis' " Doomsday," i. 159.
Liberatio, 26, provision or diet.—See App. (C.)
Mansura, 12 n., 20, 35, a messuage, a manse.—See Hearne's " Lang­toft," p. 596.
Minister curiæ, 16.
Misericordia, 17, n. " mulcta lenior­graviores enim muletos fines vocant, atrocissimas redemptiones."—Spel in voc. ; see also Hearne's " Lang­toft," p. 522.
Molendinarius, 13.
Ortolanus, i, g. hortolanus, 15.
Pertica, perch, = 16 feet, 11. Porcarius, 13, 15.
Præbenda, 18, 31, a portion or al­lowance of corn for horses.—See Spelmann, i. v. Præbendarius.
Procuratio, 47, hospitality ; enter­tainment or provision given to an ordinary at his institution; after­wards commuted for a sum of money. Hence our word proxy.
Quarenteina = 40 perches, 11, n. Quartarium, quarter of corn — 8  bushels.
Saka, 24, or Saca, right of holding pleas by a lord in his own manor.
Salina,54, salt-pit, or salt-works.—See Ellis in " Doomsday," i. 126.
Scotum, 24, 28, exemption from taxes. Secretarius, 16.
Servitium, 13, service rendered by a tenant to his lord.
Signum coronæ, 82.
Simenelli lx. solidorum, 23, 131, a better sort of bread.
Sira, 24.
Socheman, 42, tenants in the soe or franchise of a great baron, holding in a kind of free villenage.—See Ellis, ib. 69.
Socna, 24, right of investigation previous to holding pleas ; thence, perhaps, the privilege of holding pleas.
Solidi, 23, 1/3 oz. silver.
Summa, 12, n.
Summonitio, 14.
Swulinga, 28 = to 1 hyde.—See Spelmann, in voc; Ellis, ib. 154.
Tabulata, 136.
Theam, 24, a privilege exercised by the lord of a manor for restraining bondmen and villeins, and bringing them to answer in his own court.— Ellis, 16, 276.
Thol, 24.
Villa, 17.
Virgata, 10, eight = 1 hyde, 11. In other parts of England, four = 1 hyde, or 160 acres.—See Hearne's "Langtoft," p. 601; Ellis, ib. 155.
Warenna, 33, warren, right of taking game.
Warpeni, 24, guard-penny ; the sum paid to a castellan or superior for protection.
Vista, = 4 virgates, 11; aliis in lochs virgatæ vocantur, 17; three, worth 57s., 53. " Virgata terræ et wista idem sunt et unum significant. Vir­gata seu wista est sexta decima pars unius feodi militis. Quatuor virgatæ seu wistæ faciunt unam by- dam ; quatuor hydæ faciunt unum feodum militis." Reg. de Bello, i. 136. MS.
Chronicle Seal
Download the full script 
  I have not converted the rest of the text as it is in Latin
Back to the top


Abbey Roll
Abbey Tour
Albert Harris
Annie's Doodlebug
Battle Abbey Roll
Battle Film Festival 2004
Battle Memories
Battle Memories 1939-46
Battle Musicians
Battle Town Band
Battlefield vist
Bobs Doodlebug
Book Launch
Cenotaph 2005
David Arscott
Desmond Llewelyn
Dutchess_Guide Pt1.
Dutchess_Guide Pt2.
Dylan Goodwin
Eileen Harris (Mum)
Ewa Griffiths
Family at War
Festival of Britain 1951
Frank Chacksfield
Geoff Hutchinson
Geoff Hutchunson
George Charman's Pictures
Goble Family
Grace Family
Graham White in Oz 1951
Guestbook Archive
HRH Princess Elizabeth
Harris Family
Hob Knobbing
Home Guard
Hugh West
hastings carnival
ITT Memories
Irish Guards
Isaac Ingall
Ivor White (Dad)
Ivor White (Dad)
James Morgan
Joan C Guyll
Joyces Doodlebug
Kolster Brands
Letters to Hannah
Local Authors
Mabels Kitchen
Mary's Doodlebug
Moleneaux Family
My Dads Guide
My Family
Newsaper Articles
Normanhurst Court
Old Abbey Prints
Pageant 1932
Percival White
Photos 1920's
Photos 1930's
Photos 1950's
Press Cuttings 1
Press Cuttings 2
Press Cuttings 3
Press Cuttings 4
Press Photographer
Richard Attenborough
Roy Pryce
South Lodge
South Lodge
Stella Stickland
Sybil and Albert
Territorial Army
Travers Epitaph
Uncle Reg
Victoria Seymour
Walter White
Wartime Experiences
Winny and Monty 1955
Wood family

Last Updated 2015